Lodi Gyari, the special envoy of the Dalai Lama in Washington interview with Julia Baird, on Sunday Profile.

Friday, August 26, 2011


JULIA BAIRD: Hello, I'm Julia Baird. Welcome to Sunday Profile.

Surely one of the most curious and fascinating jobs on earth would be that of the Dalai Lama's number one man in Washington.

Lodi Gyari, also known as Gyari Rinpoche, is the special envoy of the revered Tibetan leader, the Dalai Lama, in the US.

He's walked the corridors of Capitol Hill for almost two decades pleading the case for the autonomy of Tibet. In that time, China's become a super power but Tibet is still in turmoil.

The Dalai Lama has said he's failed in the mission he's pursued for half a century and he has stepped aside as political leader to allow a new generation to come through, specifically the new Prime Minister Lobsang Sangay, who's 43 and Harvard educated.

So what lies ahead for Tibet? Lodi Gyari would know better than almost anyone. Like the Dalai Lama, Gyari too is recognised by Tibetan Buddhists to be the reincarnation of an important lama or guru and lived in a monastery as a boy.

Today he is the head of the largest Tibet advocacy group in the US. He was formerly foreign minister in the Tibetan government in exile and has led negotiations with China on behalf of his government.

He's been called legendary for his diplomacy. His lobbying work laid the ground work for the US policy shift in Tibet's favour in 2002 when the American government introduced the Tibet Policy Act.

He also played a pivotal part in setting up the first historic meeting between the Dalai Lama and an American president - George H.W. Bush senior in 1991.

Since then the Dalai Lama has met Bill Clinton, George W. Bush and Obama.

So what's it like having one of the most difficult and potentially unrewarding jobs in global politics?

Will Tibetans ever get what they want?

Gyari Rinpoche spoke to me in Sydney soon after attending the new prime minister's inauguration in Dharamsala India and meeting with Australian politicians in Canberra.

I asked him about his first trip to Australia and if he thought our economic dependence on China has made our politicians more timid.

LODI GYARI: Well, first of all, tremendous goodwill. You know, I was really deeply moved because I had opportunity to meet one to one quite a few politicians. And also with a group of them together. And then finally yesterday afternoon I had the opportunity to make a visitation, a briefing to this very important committee which I think deals with foreign defence and trade.

So I was deeply touched by their genuine interest.

And I'm also aware, you know, of the important relations that you have with China. And I respect that. China is a very important country.

And I really very much encourage Australia to even further enhance that relation because for us only those countries that has a relation or only a person who has relation with China can help us, because we are not adversaries in that sense, because we are trying to talk to them.

And we want people to tell the Chinese to talk to us to find a solution. So only a person who has a relation can to talk to China.

So therefore... But however I think sometimes yes. I mean, you know, economic relations is very, very important, no doubt, particularly in this day and age. But you must understand China needs you as much as you need. You know, China is going all over the world grabbing resources. And you have tremendous resources.

So I think, sometimes maybe your political leaders or maybe your bureaucrats do not really understand. Because here the Chinese are very, very good at making people believe that, you know, it is from us you need everything, as if there's nothing we need from you. But they need as much from you.

So therefore I think there could be a very complementary, balanced relation where you keep set of your principles, don't compromise on that. At the same time respect China's, because we are not challenging, you know, your policy with regard to China. We're not fighting for independence.

JULIA BAIRD: Have you seen any signs that Australian politicians are more timid than they might otherwise be because of our strong economic dependence on China?

LODI GYARI: I think some of your political leaders have been made to believe that. 

My point is that I don't think you are really, economically, you're dependent. I think you are an important economic partner with China, which can benefit both sides.

So that I think unfortunately yes, that kind of impression I think has been built to the, you know, some of your leaders.

JULIA BAIRD: But is this something new? Is that impression that you're talking about, is this something that's only really developed over the last five years at a time of such great prosperity for Australia, because of our mining boom and some of our trade with China?

LODI GYARI: Well I, you know, do not want to try to pretend, you know, that I am an expert because this is a... it may surprise you, but my first visit to your country.

JULIA BAIRD: Welcome.

LODI GYARI: But you know I have seen this kind of pattern with other countries you see, also in Europe and sometimes even in America, where I have lived.

So therefore I don't want to single Australia out. But in the recent years, yes, I think because of your rather than dependence I think ever increasing economic relation with PRC, there's definitely been, I think, a move with some of your political leaders of being a little bit too submissive to the Middle Kingdom, which I don't think is good for China in the long run.

Because I think we all have a collective responsibility to help China grow as a responsible nation, a nation that can truly be one of the most important country in the world. Because if you continue to kind of really make China behave like a spoiled person, then you don't allow China to grow.

I think I do know a little bit of China because the last 26 years in fact my main kind of job is dealing with China. There are, I think, many leaders in China would themselves want to make a change.

So every time I think countries such as yours takes a firm stand on issues such as Tibet or human rights, I think you're contributing in helping those moderate forces within China.

Every time you submit to the whims of the hardliners I really think you are doing huge disservice even to those leaders, those forces in China who themselves are trying to bring that great nation as responsible stakeholder.

JULIA BAIRD: Now it's a very critical time in Tibet at the moment. We were just talking about hardliners in China. Now there is an increasing number of young people who are frustrated, who are fed, up, who think that the years of trying to get autonomy and not independence have not worked and it's time to consider another solution.

I'm very interested in your attitude to this because in 2008 the Dalai Lama said he was ready to accept the fact that he had failed to win true autonomy for his people and he was looking to other Tibetans to advise the way forward.

Is this true? Has the Dalai Lama, after half a century of fighting for his people's autonomy, fundamentally failed?

LODI GYARI: Absolutely not. I think it is through his influence, you know, through his, the path that he has already charted for us, there will be success.

But yes, I am aware of the remark. In fact you know I was present when he made that remark. And he had not only said it once but he said it several times during that period.

But that was after these country-wide demonstrations inside Tibet.

JULIA BAIRD: In 2008.

LODI GYARI: That's right, yes. For the first time, because earlier Tibetan people have been deeply resentful of China's policies. But the only reports that you got were from out of Lhasa mostly and out of some of the monasteries, some of the monks and nuns. But 2008, it was nationwide. So once it became evident this deep resentment is felt by every Tibetan, not just by some monks and nuns... Because China has always tried to, you know, tell the Westerners: look, [they're] just a handful of reactionaries who want to restore the old Tibet. And in 2008 you saw young people, most of them products of their education system. And many of them sons and daughters of party functionaries.

But at the same time, you know, His Holiness... yes, really also felt at that time, for the first time, a sense of being - not hopeless, but helpless.

Because you know, he really didn't know what he can do because he is, every day he's getting news about this outpour of strong sentiments, the demonstrations, the Chinese cracking down on them.

And there he was in Dharamsala, deeply pained by what's happening and almost unable physically to do anything about it. It was a difficult year for His Holiness. I myself saw that he was in deep, deep pain.

And so sometimes I think he really felt that "have I failed?", you know?

JULIA BAIRD: Do you think he was depressed by what had happened?

LODI GYARI: I think he was deeply saddened. And he felt handicapped of not being able to do something that will have immediate impact. So that was I think purely a reaction to that widespread situation.

But now he's absolutely convinced. You know he now forcefully still encourages people to follow his middle way approach, the non-violent approach.

And I have no doubt that for us Tibetans, you know, the best way to pursue this is through non-violence. Best way to pursue this is reaching out to the Chinese government, even though it has been difficult, almost, unfortunately, 'til today, without any tangible result.

But even as the person who has been going there all the time and most of the time coming back empty handed, even I don't feel anything rather than a sense of optimism.

Because first of all the most important is the Tibetan people themselves. You know this two-thousand - and for me was really very moving because I then realised that the Tibetan movement is very much alive within Tibet.

JULIA BAIRD: Do you think there's anything that could be done differently, given that we have had two decades where you still have not achieved the goals that you wished for in China?

I mean the Dalai Lama has global renown and affection. He's feted by Hollywood. His books have sold millions.

But what he hasn't done is actually captured the hearts of the Chinese. And by that I mean the man and woman on the street.

Do you think there's anything that he could have done differently strategically?

LODI GYARI: No. I think we need to do more of what he has been doing. And I think he has captured, or is beginning to capture, the hearts and minds of the Chinese people. Not the politburo, unfortunately, and it may take time. Even there, you know, I'm not that hopeless.

Unfortunately there is a huge, huge number of Chinese who are indoctrinated by the Chinese Communist Party who think of Tibet in a very distorted way. And not only about the political stand of His Holiness but even as a people, I think, maybe backward. Unfortunately, therefore, many Chinese don't know, think that Tibetans have no culture... We've been so kind, liberated them... These are a kind of people who live on the mountains, you know, kind of illiterate.

They don't know that this is a great civilisation, a civilisation that has so much to offer to China.

So I think, you know, His Holiness is definitely now reaching out to the hearts and minds. And that, I think, is what frightens the leaders in Beijing.

You know I think one of the biggest problems right now is the fear because they know that if the Dalai Lama has unrestricted access to the Chinese people, you know, that His Holiness may not only become something to inspire the Tibetans and other minorities, but even the Chinese themselves.

But my job is to try to always tell them - don't fear him. He has no ulterior motive. He even loves people in the politburo, you know. Reach out to him. He is not something that you need to fear.

But you know I don't blame them, of course. They don't take my word seriously because I'm his envoy. But I do hope that, this is a way I think people can help, this is the way I think many US presidents like President Bush, President Clinton and even President Obama, and I think this is important - every time they meet Chinese leaders that they keep on telling them don't fear him, reach out. You haven't met him for the last many decades. We meet him all the time and we know that he is someone who can really help China rather than, harm China.

JULIA BAIRD: Do you think a part of this fear comes from the fact that the Chinese government has called him a separatist, a traitor, a monk in wolf's clothing, a monster with a human face and an animal's heart and one of the most critical obstacles to resolving the dispute? I mean they're harsh words. Do you think that they've trickled down to the Chinese people generally?

LODI GYARI: Unfortunately yes. It does to a great segment who have no other access other than the party propaganda.

But I think, again, no matter, whatever effort they may make, Chinese people are beginning to have more access to, you know, international situation.

But yes, this is the biggest problem. In fact during my last round I clearly told my Chinese counterparts, I said you are doing something unforgivable. You are doing something that for the Chinese and Tibetan people will take long time to reconcile. You are feeding wrong information and making the Chinese and Tibetans have animosity for the first time.

Because, you know, the Tibetans always deeply resented the Chinese government policy. But the Tibetan people, you know, I think this is something we should be very proud, had no bitterness against Chinese as people.

But in the last few years, because of what the Chinese government has been doing, instigating, Tibetans are beginning to have some kind of resentment against the Chinese as people because they see, you know, that they have no rights, their resources are being taken away.

And similarly, the Chinese people are also beginning to have resentment against Tibetans as a people because Chinese propaganda has been telling them that these people are ungrateful people. These people are collaborating with international forces to destabilise China, [that] if the Dalai Lama had the right he would most probably want to divide China into so many pieces.

So this kind of thing of course is causing, you know, deep resentment which I think is really irresponsible, and if I can use a Chinese term, unpatriotic.

JULIA BAIRD: You're on Sunday Profile. I'm Julia Baird and I'm talking to Mr Lodi Gyari, the Dalai Lama's envoy in the United States.

Now in 2008, the year in which you said the Dalai Lama was very saddened by the turmoil and the violence in Tibet, he said: "My trust in the Chinese government has become thinner, thinner, thinner. Suppression is increasing and I cannot pretend that everything is okay."

You yourself, that year there were talks which China rejected your request or demand for autonomy once again and you said: "We have now reached the crossroads. There's a total lack of willingness to seriously reciprocate our sincere and serious efforts."

Now you're still at an impasse. You say that you're optimistic. So how can you reconcile that? What's the way forward?

LODI GYARI: Well the forward is I think continued, I think we are on the right path. The important thing is to make the Chinese leaders make a little move, you know, so that they can also come to the right path.

And I think, you see this is where I think countries such as Australia can help.

You know, I was telling some of your experts in Canberra and also some of your lawmakers that besides discussing about human rights abuses which is gross, which must be raised... Stability. China is obsessed with stability. And of course it should be, because I think her stability is, you know, being undermined by her policies.

Look what's happening in East Turkestan, what the Chinese call Xinjiang, inner Mongolia. You see, not just Tibet now. And unless they really try to resolve that there's going to be huge instability in China.

And I don't think anyone, particularly let's say that even some of your leaders and people who want to have this great economic relation with China, I'm sure even they want, maybe not for Tibet but for their own interest, a stable China.

JULIA BAIRD: So if they don't recognise the rights or the autonomy of some of these kind of growing nation states it'll threaten the economic stability of the entire region?

LODI GYARI: Yes absolutely, yes, I think it is a fact. China's current leaders talk about harmony. But where's the harmony in Tibet? Where's the harmony in East Turkestan, Xinjiang? Where's the harmony in inner Mongolia? Where's also the harmony, you know, among ordinary Chinese?

So today I think, unfortunately the leaders of Beijing live in fear, fear of their people, fear of people like the Dalai Lama. They don't have to have that fear.

JULIA BAIRD: You spoke before about how there might be some kind of fear or timidity amongst Australia's politicians that to speak out boldly on Tibet might jeopardise economic relations with China. Do you believe the same is true in the US, given the large amount of debt America has to China right now?

LODI GYARI: I saw a similar situation in America also in the beginning, absolutely, you know. But I think, somehow, at least a fairly large number of them, I think have overcome that through, I think, experience.

And we know several American business people, very important business people, who really took the bold step of publicly inviting the Dalai Lama, honouring him. And they've realised that, you see, if you do that, you know, the Chinese tolerate it. At the end of the day Chinese are very rational people.

JULIA BAIRD: We're coming up to a time when I understand the Dalai Lama is going to be meeting or his senior lamas are meeting to discuss who his spiritual successor will be in Dharamsala in September, next month. Have you been included in these considerations about who his spiritual successor might be?

LODI GYARI: Even though I grew up as a monk and people still call me Rinpoche, I'm not in that hierarchy.

I did urge His Holiness that it's important that he make a clear pronouncement because, you know, Chinese have this kind of false hope that maybe, you see, if we can't somehow make this Dalai Lama do what we want, maybe we will have a hand in the selection of the next dalai lama and then make that dalai lama do what we want.

But the sooner the Chinese, you know, get the clear message that is nothing but an illusion, I think it'll make them even more kind of sensible in their negotiations.

At the end of the day, you see, no-one, no-one else but the Dalai Lama himself should be able to decide in what manner his reincarnation should be selected.

JULIA BAIRD: Are you worried about what would happen if the Dalai Lama dies suddenly, or unexpectedly?

LODI GYARI: Well I'm certainly worried because even though he has been wise to set in motion a system, I think it will be devastating for the Tibetan movement, you know, when he's not there.

But similarly for the Chinese, this is something that we discuss all the time because Chinese always kind of threaten us that well anyway, we know that your whole movement is around one person and when he's not there... And I tell them, true. I said I'm one person who will agree with you, I don't disagree, but it will also be devastating for the Chinese. So I said that the clock is ticking for both of us. When he's not there the Chinese don't have a counterpart that has the historical moral authority and also courage to make difficult decisions.

I mean look at the Dalai Lama's decision not to seek independence. No-one would have dared to do that. You have to be the Dalai Lama.

JULIA BAIRD: What is it exactly that you would be afraid of should the Dalai Lama pass away?

LODI GYARI: The unity and the cohesiveness of the Tibetan people. And if you're familiar with our recent history, like all other I think different nations, peoples, we were not all the time unified. And you know, we had our own problems, differences, regional differences. Even sometimes, you know, sectarian differences.

And it was the leadership of this Dalai Lama in a very kind of ironic way actually, you know, in a way it was a most tragic time for us... In a way, you know, this was time that Tibet actually resurrected again as a people, as a nation, as a unified.

And so one of my concerns as a Tibetan is that if he's not there whether we will be able to continue to move on the path that he has chosen, with this great unity amongst ourselves to pursue a common goal, or we ourselves again kind of become as we were last few hundred years. I mean that to me is a really huge concern.

The other is yes, also to resolve the issue with China. Because at the end of the day we'll have to find a solution with China. And if there are serious negotiations then I think there's going to be very tough proposals that will be confronted by the Tibetan leadership.

And at that time, again, I really don't think just the elected institutions will have the historical and moral capability to take those... You know, they may be bold to make decisions. But being bold to take a decision and being able to sell that idea to the Tibetans, especially inside, is not going to be easy.

I personally feel that these negotiations cannot really succeed, you know. I have deep worries, you know. But sometimes I say jokingly maybe I'm too timid, you know, because during our elections to the office of the Kalon Tripa, some people also kind of suggested why don't you run?

I said, I'm too timid. I really don't want to run for office, knowing very well that the Dalai Lama will not be there as the head of that institution.

I feel that a person like myself has some capability to serve if there is a strong leader like him. And I said that, therefore, I said that I'm not as courageous as some of my friends who were running for this very important office because I'm kind of terrified, you know, to be there and, you know, not have him as the head of the system.

JULIA BAIRD: Mr Gyari, thank you so much for joining us on Sunday Profile.

LODI GYARI: Thank you, thank you very much.

JULIA BAIRD: That was Lodi Gyari, the special envoy of the Dalai Lama in Washington talking to me, Julia Baird, on Sunday Profile.

Dr Sangay Speaks on Future of Tibetan Democracy

August 27th, 2011

Anamika Sharma

Dharamshala : De facto Prime Minister of Tibet (Kalon Tripa) Dr Lobsang Sangay today gave a key note address to the participants of the 5th conference on the importance of Tibetan cultural studies at the College for Higher Tibetan Studies, Sarah, near here.

Dr. Lobsang Sangay in his address stressed on the future of Tibetan democracy and politics in the exile community.

He said that the vibrant democracy that we have in our political system is the result of 14th Dalai Lama's vision and efforts. He added that Dalai Lama has always strive from an early period of our exile years for a democratic system of polity.

Dr. Lobsang Sangay said that Tibetan democracy has come a long way since 2nd September 1960 when Dalai Lama introduced democracy in the Tibetan society. The flourishing democracy that we have in our political system is derived from the prevailing democratic values and principles in the world, he added.

The conference also discussed about the Bhoe Shung Gadren Phodrang since its inception in the year 1642 as well as on Tibetan medicine, politics, environmental and financial aspects of the various monasteries and religious institutes.

The 4-day conference on the importance of Tibetan cultural studies was organised by the Sarah Regional Tibetan Youth Congress. The conference was attended by over 300 Tibetan students and monks from all over India including college students from Bangalore, Delhi and Central University for Higher Tibetan Studies, Varanasi.

In retrospect of the nine rounds of dialogue since 2002 - Special Envoy Lodi Gyari and Envoy Kelsang Gyaltsen

The International Campaign for Tibet welcomes the strong and detailed statement issued today by Lodi Gyaltsen Gyari, the Special Envoy of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and chief interlocutor with Chinese officials during nine rounds of dialogue since 2002. Lodi Gyari and envoy Kelsang Gyaltsen briefed the Dalai Lama in Dharamsala, India this morning before issuing the statement which concluded that “we do not see any reason why we cannot find common ground on these issues.” The statement included a proposal for “a common effort to study the actual reality on the ground, in the spirit of seeking truth from facts [to] help both the sides to move beyond each others’ contentions” and an appeal to Beijing to stop mislabeling the Dalai Lama as a “separatist.”

“Those long troubled by the situation in Tibet, both inside and outside of government, have been looking for ways to work constructively with the Chinese and Tibetans to secure an end to repression, genuine stability and a better way forward in Tibet. According to the Tibetan statement, this 9th round has produced some elements to build on,” said Mary Beth Markey, Vice President for International Advocacy at the International Campaign for Tibet. “The reference to common ground is an encouraging result from this round of dialogue, and both sides have identified stability as a goal, although they diverge on the means to achieve it. This is an opportunity for world leaders to be constructive and help the parties identify a common goal for the talks as a path to achieving the resolution of differences that the international community supports and seeks.” 

In line with the Chinese government’s strident approach, Zhu Weiqun, Executive Vice Chairman of the United Front Work Department of the Communist Party and one of the envoys’ counterparts in the dialogue, told press today in Beijing that there was no possibility of the “slightest compromise” on the issue of sovereignty in Tibet and said that the two sides were still “sharply divided.” Zhu also warned that if US President Obama “chooses to meet with the Dalai Lama at this time, it will certainly threaten trust and co-operation between China and the United States.” (http://support.savetibet.org/site/R?i=xPATUQca5om-w6xUOoXcFw..) The White House has confirmed that President Obama will meet the Dalai Lama, although it has not yet announced a date.

The Chinese government has lately come to describe Tibet as a “core issue” of national sovereignty,  and it has responded to the Dalai Lama’s proposal for genuine autonomy for Tibetans within the People’s Republic of China as “disguised independence.” But the Dalai Lama’s proposition would not challenge Chinese sovereignty or claim as “Tibetan” or “autonomous” any territory beyond that which the government has already designated as “Tibetan autonomous” (the Tibet Autonomous Region and parts of Sichuan, Qinghai, Gansu and Yunnan provinces, roughly equivalent to the geography of the Tibetan plateau).
Special Envoy Kasur Lodi Gyari (c) and Envoy Kelsang Gyaltsen (R), addresses to the media in Dharamsala on the latest round of discussions on Tibet with the representatives of the Chinese government.

Secretary for Information Thubten Samphel (L) read out the statement by the special envoy of His
Holiness the Dalai Lama. (Photo credit DIIR/CTA)

In today’s statement, Lodi Gyari said that the talks included a briefing on the Fifth Tibet Work Forum, a top-level strategy meeting that concluded in Beijing in the week before the envoys arrived in China. The envoys in turn welcomed indications from the proceedings that the authorities were seeking to improve the lives of Tibetans, particularly those in rural areas, and that the meeting covered the issue of development in all Tibetan areas of the People’s Republic of China, including those Tibetan areas outside the Tibet Autonomous Region. The envoys said: “If we take away the political slogans, many of the issues that have been prioritized by the Forum are similar to the basic needs of the Tibetan people outlined in our Memorandum [on Genuine Autonomy].”

“China continues to demonstrate by meeting with the Dalai Lama’s envoys and their menacing remarks aimed at Washington that the Tibet issue ranks very high in Chinese diplomacy. A failed strategy in Tibet is a problem for China, and they know it. The bottom line is that the Tibetans are the key stakeholders and that means that the direct involvement of the Dalai Lama, whose legitimacy among the Tibetan people is indisputable, is essential for a peaceful and stable solution," Markey concluded.
 

U.S. Presidential Statements on meetings with the Dalai Lama, 1991-2011

 Pres. Obama  |  Pres. George W. Bush  |  Pres. Clinton  |  Pres. George H.W. Bush

President Barack Obama - July 16, 2011

Statement from the Press Secretary on the President’s Meeting with His Holiness the XIV Dalai Lama

The President met this morning at the White House with His Holiness the XIV Dalai Lama. The President reiterated his strong support for the preservation of the unique religious, cultural, and linguistic traditions of Tibet and the Tibetan people throughout the world. He underscored the importance of the protection of human rights of Tibetans in China. The President commended the Dalai Lama’s commitment to nonviolence and dialogue with China and his pursuit of the “Middle Way” approach. Reiterating the U.S. policy that Tibet is a part of the People’s Republic of China and the United States does not support independence for Tibet, the President stressed that he encourages direct dialogue to resolve long-standing differences and that a dialogue that produces results would be positive for China and Tibetans. The President stressed the importance he attaches to building a U.S.-China cooperative partnership. The Dalai Lama stated that he is not seeking independence for Tibet and hopes that dialogue between his representatives and the Chinese government can soon resume.

President Barack Obama - February 18, 2010

Statement from the Press Secretary on the President’s Meeting with His Holiness the XIV Dalai Lama

The President met this morning at the White House with His Holiness the XIV Dalai Lama. The President stated his strong support for the preservation of Tibet’s unique religious, cultural and linguistic identity and the protection of human rights for Tibetans in the People’s Republic of China. The President commended the Dalai Lama’s “Middle Way” approach, his commitment to nonviolence and his pursuit of dialogue with the Chinese government. The President stressed that he has consistently encouraged both sides to engage in direct dialogue to resolve differences and was pleased to hear about the recent resumption of talks. The President and the Dalai Lama agreed on the importance of a positive and cooperative relationship between the United States and China.

President George W. Bush - October 17, 2007

Transcript, President Bush addresses Congressional Gold Medal Ceremony

Madam Speaker; and Senator Byrd; Mr. Leader; members of the congressional delegation, particularly Senators Feinstein and Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen; Senator Thomas – God rest his soul – distinguished guests, particularly our friend, Elie Wiesel; and Your Holiness.

Over the years, Congress has conferred the Gold Medal on many great figures in history – usually at a time when their struggles were over and won. Today Congress has chosen to do something different. It has conferred this honor on a figure whose work continues – and whose outcome remains uncertain. In so doing, America raises its voice in the call for religious liberty and basic human rights. These values forged our Republic. They sustained us through many trials. And they draw us by conviction and conscience to the people of Tibet and the man we honor today.

Nearly two decades have passed since the Dalai Lama was welcomed to the White House for the very first time. Members of both of our political parties and world leaders have seen His Holiness as a man of faith and sincerity and peace. He’s won the respect and affection of the American people—and America has earned his respect and affection, as well.

As a nation, we are humbled to know that a young boy in Tibet – as a young boy in Tibet, His Holiness kept a model of the Statue of Liberty at his bedside. Years later, on his first visit to America, he went to Battery Park in New York City so he could see the real thing up close. On his first trip to Washington, he walked through the Jefferson Memorial – a monument to the man whose words launched a revolution that still inspires men and women across the world. Jefferson counted as one of America’s greatest blessings the freedom of worship. It was, he said, “a liberty deemed in other countries incompatible with good government, and yet proved by our experience to be its best support.”

The freedom of belief is a yearning of the human spirit, a blessing offered to the world, and a cherished value of our nation. It’s the very first protection offered in the American Bill of Rights. It inspired many of the leaders that this rotunda honors in portraits and marble. And it still defines our way of life.

Consider where we gather today. This great symbol of democracy sits quietly near a Catholic parish, a Jewish synagogue, a Muslim community center, a Greek Orthodox cathedral, and a Buddhist temple – each with faithful followers who practice their deeply held beliefs and live side by side in peace. This diversity is not a source of instability – it’s a source of strength. This freedom does not belong to one nation – it belongs to the world.

One of the tragic anomalies of the past century is that in an era that has seen an unprecedented number of nations embrace individual freedom has also witnessed the stubborn endurance of religious repression. American cannot look to the plight of the religiously oppressed and close our eyes or turn away. And that is why I will continue to urge the leaders of China to welcome the Dalai Lama to China. They will find this good man to be a man of peace and reconciliation.

Throughout our history, we have stood proudly with those who offer a message of hope and freedom to the world’s downtrodden and oppressed. This is why all of us are drawn to a noble and spiritual leader who lives a world away. Today we honor him as a universal symbol of peace and tolerance, a shepherd for the faithful, and the keeper of the flame for his people.

I congratulate His Holiness on this recognition. I’m so honored to be here with you, sir. Laura and I join all Americans in offering the people of Tibet our fervent prayer that they may find days of prosperity and peace.

And now I ask the Speaker and Senator Byrd to join me for the Gold Medal presentation.

President George W. Bush - October 16, 2007

The White House chose to keep the meeting on the 16th private, and did not release any statement or photo. The following is an excerpt from the transcript of the October 16, 2007 press briefing as it concerns His Holiness:

 

MS. PERINO: President Bush has attended the Congressional Gold Medal of Honor ceremonies. The most recent one that I can remember was the Tuskegee Airmen event that he attended. I think that was earlier this year. And he told President Hu when we were at APEC in Sydney that he would be attending this one, as well. And he is going to be proud to do so. He believes that the Dalai Lama is a strong spiritual leader, and he will have a private meeting with him today, and then he'll attend tomorrow's Gold Medal ceremony. And, as I told you, he told President Hu that he would and he'll be proud to do so tomorrow.

As I understand it, the Dalai Lama wants not for -- he's not calling for independence from China. He's asking for the people there to have ability to -- the freedom to practice their religion. And the United States supports him as a great spiritual leader. He should be honored as a spiritual leader. But we are not asking for independence from the country.

I don't know his specific language that he uses, but we do not support a separate country from China.

I think that what the President would believe is that people are going to look at this meeting in several different ways, and it's almost taking on a life of its own. The President has met with the Dalai Lama before. He is a great spiritual leader. The President wants to meet with him. The President believes that people all over the world should be able to express their religion and practice their religion in freedom. And that's why the President wants to meet with him. He believes he should be honored as a great spiritual leader.

President George W. Bush - November 9, 2005

Transcript from White House Press Briefing on November 9, 2005

MR. McCLELLAN: ...Then following that, the President and Mrs. Bush look forward to welcoming His Holiness, the Dalai Lama, back to the White House. They will be meeting with His Holiness over in the Residence. This is the third meeting that the President has had here at the White House with His Holiness...We've spoken out very clearly about our views on Tibet, as well, as the people of Tibet.

President George W. Bush - September 10, 2003

White House Statement on His Holiness' Meeting with President Bush

MR. McCLELLAN: Good afternoon, everybody. Earlier today, the President met with His Holiness, the Dalai Lama, you heard from the Dalai Lama outside. This was their second meeting to discuss Tibet. The President reiterated our strong commitment to support the preservation of Tibet’s unique religious, cultural and linguistic identity, and the protection of the human rights of all Tibetans.

The President also declared his strong support for the Dalai Lama’s commitment to the dialogue with China. The President said he would seek ways to encourage China to continue dialogue on a substantive basis, and expressed his hope that the Chinese government would respond favorably. The President and the Dalai Lama agreed on the importance of strong and constructive U.S.-China relations.

President George W. Bush - May 23, 2001

Statement by the Press Secretary on the President’s meeting with His Holiness the XIV Dalai Lama

His Holiness, the XIV Dalai Lama, met at the White House this morning with the President and the National Security Advisor to discuss Tibet. The President commended the Dalai Lama's commitment to nonviolence and declared his strong support for the Dalai Lama's tireless efforts to initiate a dialogue with the Chinese government. The President said he would seek ways to encourage dialogue and expressed his hope that the Chinese government would respond favorably. The President also reiterated the strong commitment of the United States to support the preservation of Tibet's unique religious, cultural, and linguistic identity and the protection of the human rights of all Tibetans. The President and the Dalai Lama agreed on the importance of strong and constructive U.S.-China relations.

President Bill Clinton - June 20, 2000

Statement by the Press Secretary, Meeting with the Dalai Lama

His Holiness, the XIV Dalai Lama, met at the White House this afternoon with the President and the National Security Advisor to discuss Tibet. The President welcomed the Dalai Lama’s commitment to nonviolence and declared his strong support for the Dalai Lama’s steadfast efforts to initiate dialogue and expressed his hope that the Chinese government will respond favorably. The President pledged his continued support for the Dalai Lama’s effort to encourage dialogue and expressed his hope that the Chinese government will respond favorably. The President reiterated the strong commitment of the Unite States to support preservation of Tibet’s unique religious, cultural and linguistic heritage and to the protection of human rights of Tibetans. The President and the Dalai Lama agreed on the importance of strong and constructive U.S.-China relations.

President Bill Clinton - November 10, 1998

Statement by the Press Secretary, Meeting with the Dalai Lama

His Holiness, the XIV Dalai Lama, was welcomed at the White House this afternoon where he met with the President, the Vice President, and the First Lady to discuss Tibet. President Clinton expressed his strong support for efforts to foster a dialogue between the Chinese government and the Dalai Lama and his representatives to resolve differences. The President welcomed the Dalai Lama’s commitment to nonviolence and his efforts to initiate a dialogue with the Chinese Government. The President reiterated the strong commitment of the United States to support preservation of Tibet’s unique religious, cultural, and linguistic heritage and to protection of the human rights of Tibetans. The President and the Dalai Lama agreed on the importance of strong U.S.-China relations.

President Bill Clinton - April 23, 1997

Statement by the Press Secretary, Meeting with the Dalai Lama

His Holiness, the XIV Dalai Lama, was welcomed at the White House this afternoon where he met with the President and Vice President to discuss issues concerning Tibet and China. President Clinton expressed his continuing concern for the preservation of Tibetan religion and culture.

The United States continues to urge high-level talks between the Chinese Government and the Dalai Lama or his representatives to resolve differences. The President and the Vice President welcomed the Dalai Lama’s commitment to non-violence and to negotiations with China. The Dalai Lama concurred on the need for strong U.S.-China relations.

President Bill Clinton - April 27, 1993

Statement by the Press Secretary, President Meets with His Holiness the Dalai Lama, Praises Renowned Spiritual and Moral Leader

WASHINGTON - The President and Vice President met today (4/27) with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and discussed issues relating to Tibet.

"The Dalai Lama is internationally revered for his spiritual and moral leadership," the President said. "As a Nobel Peace Prize winner and committed advocate of nonviolent change and resolution of disputes, I deeply appreciated hearing the Dalai Lama's views on the situation in China, including Tibet. The Administration continues to urge Beijing and the Dalai Lama to revive a dialogue between them and presses China to address human rights abuses in Tibet."

President George H. W. Bush - April 17, 1991

Excerpt from transcript from the April 17 press briefing

MR. FITZWATER: Okay, moving on to the Dalai Lama. The President met with him for about a half an hour last evening (4/16). They discussed the general situation in Tibet.

The US has never recognized an independent Tibet. We have, however, repeatedly raised our concerns over human rights abuses in that country -- I mean in Tibet -- with the Chinese government and we continue to urge the followers of the Dalai Lama and the Beijing government to resume a peaceful dialogue to resolve the problems between them.

The US also provides roughly a half million dollars a year in aid to Tibetan refugees in Nepal and India. In addition, the Voice of America has recently begun broadcasts in the Tibetan language. Several of you had asked about that meeting.

The Dalai Lama asked to meet with the President. He's the religious leader of the country. The President felt it was appropriate to see him.

The Stream - Tibet: Striving beyond the 'Middle Way'? - Tendor Dorjee, Dhardon Sharling

Tibetans debate the future of their homeland as the exiled government swears in its first secular prime minister.

Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People

The Dalai Lama's envoys released a memorandum on autonomy on November 16, which was presented to Chinese officials during the latest and eighth round of dialogue on November 4 and 5, 2008 in Beijing. The document, which specifies the Tibetan position on genuine autonomy and the "very considerable extent Tibetan needs can be met within the [Chinese] constitutional principles on autonomy" was released in Dharamsala, India, on the eve of the Special Meeting on Tibet's future called by the Dalai Lama. The full text is included below and at http://www.tibet.net.

I Introduction

Since the renewal of direct contact with the Central Government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 2002, extensive discussions have been held between the envoys of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama and representatives of the Central Government. In these discussions we have put forth clearly the aspirations of Tibetans. The essence of the Middle Way Approach is to secure genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people within the scope of the Constitution of the PRC. This is of mutual benefit and based on the long-term interest of both the Tibetan and Chinese peoples. We remain firmly committed not to seek separation or independence. We are seeking a solution to the Tibetan problem through genuine autonomy, which is compatible with the principles on autonomy in the Constitution of the People's Republic of China (PRC). The protection and development of the unique Tibetan identity in all its aspects serves the larger interest of humanity in general and those of the Tibetan and Chinese people in particular.

During the seventh round of talks in Beijing on 1 and 2 July 2008, the Vice Chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference and the Minister of the Central United Front Work Department, Mr. Du Qinglin, explicitly invited suggestions from His Holiness the Dalai Lama for the stability and development of Tibet. The Executive Vice Minister of the Central United Front Work Department, Mr. Zhu Weiqun, further said they would like to hear our views on the degree or form of autonomy we are seeking as well as on all aspects of regional autonomy within the scope of the Constitution of the PRC.

Accordingly, this memorandum puts forth our position on genuine autonomy and how the specific needs of the Tibetan nationality for autonomy and self-government can be met through application of the principles on autonomy of the Constitution of the People's Republic of China, as we understand them. On this basis, His Holiness the Dalai Lama is confident that the basic needs of the Tibetan nationality can be met through genuine autonomy within the PRC.

The PRC is a multi-national state, and as in many other parts of the world, it seeks to resolve the nationality question through autonomy and the self-government of the minority nationalities. The Constitution of the PRC contains fundamental principles on autonomy and self-government whose objectives are compatible with the needs and aspirations of the Tibetans. Regional national autonomy is aimed at opposing both the oppression and the separation of nationalities by rejecting both Han Chauvinism and local nationalism. It is intended to ensure the protection of the culture and the identity of minority nationalities by powering them to become masters of their own affairs.

To a very considerable extent Tibetan needs can be met within the constitutional principles on autonomy, as we understand them. On several points, the Constitution gives significant discretionary powers to state organs in the decision-making and on the operation of the system of autonomy. These discretionary powers can be exercised to facilitate genuine autonomy for Tibetans in ways that would respond to the uniqueness of the Tibetan situation. In implementing these principles, legislation relevant to autonomy may consequently need to be reviewed or amended to respond to the specific characteristics and needs of the Tibetan nationality. Given good will on both sides, outstanding problems can be resolved within the constitutional principles on autonomy. In this way national unity and stability and harmonious relations between the Tibetan and other nationalities will be established.

II Respect for the integrity of the Tibetan nationality

Tibetans belong to one minority nationality regardless of the current administrative division. The integrity of the Tibetan nationality must be respected. That is the spirit, the intent and the principle underlying the constitutional concept of national regional autonomy as well as the principle of equality of nationalities.

There is no dispute about the fact that Tibetans share the same language, culture, spiritual tradition, core values and customs, that they belong to the same ethnic group and that they have a strong sense of common identity. Tibetans share a common history and despite periods of political or administrative divisions, Tibetans continuously remained united by their religion, culture, education, language, way of life and by their unique high plateau environment.

The Tibetan nationality lives in one contiguous area on the Tibetan plateau, which they have inhabited for millennia and to which they are therefore indigenous. For purposes of the constitutional principles of national regional autonomy Tibetans in the PRC in fact live as a single nationality all over the Tibetan plateau.

On account of the above reasons, the PRC has recognised the Tibetan nationality as one of the 55 minority nationalities.

III Tibetan aspirations

Tibetans have a rich and distinct history, culture and spiritual tradition all of which form valuable parts of the heritage of humanity. Not only do Tibetans wish to preserve their own heritage, which they cherish, but equally they wish to further develop their culture and spiritual life and knowledge in ways that are particularly suited to the needs and conditions of humanity in the 21st century.

As a part of the multi-national state of the PRC, Tibetans can benefit greatly from the rapid economic and scientific development the country is experiencing. While wanting to actively participate and contribute to this development, we want to ensure that this happens without the people losing their Tibetan identity, culture and core values and without putting the distinct and fragile environment of the Tibetan plateau, to which Tibetans are indigenous, at risk.

The uniqueness of the Tibetan situation has consistently been recognised within the PRC and has been reflected in the terms of the '17 Point Agreement' and in statements and policies of successive leaders of the PRC since then, and should remain the basis for defining the scope and structure of the specific autonomy to be exercised by the Tibetan nationality within the PRC. The Constitution reflects a fundamental principle of flexibility to accommodate special situations, including the special characteristics and needs of minority nationalities.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama's commitment to seek a solution for the Tibetan people within the PRC is clear and unambiguous. This position is in full compliance and agreement with paramount leader Deng Xiaoping's statement in which he emphasised that except for independence all other issues could be resolved through dialogue. Whereas, we are committed, therefore, to fully respect the territorial integrity of the PRC, we expect the Central Government to recognise and fully respect the integrity of the Tibetan nationality and its right to exercise genuine autonomy within the PRC. We believe that this is the basis for resolving the differences between us and promoting unity, stability and harmony among nationalities.

For Tibetans to advance as a distinct nationality within the PRC, they need to continue to progress and develop economically, socially and politically in ways that correspond to the development of the PRC and the world as a whole while respecting and nurturing the Tibetan characteristics of such development. For this to happen, it is imperative that the right of Tibetans to govern themselves be recognised and implemented throughout the region where they live in compact communities in the PRC, in accordance with the Tibetan nationality's own needs, priorities and characteristics.

The Tibetan people's culture and identity can only be preserved and promoted by the Tibetans themselves and not by any others. Therefore, Tibetans should be capable of self-help, self-development and self-government, and an optimal balance needs to be found between this and the necessary and welcome guidance and assistance for Tibet from the Central Government and other provinces and regions of the PRC.

IV Basic needs of Tibetans

Subject Matters of Self-government

1) Language

Language is the most important attribute of the Tibetan people's identity. Tibetan is the primary means of communication, the language in which their literature, their spiritual texts and historical as well as scientific works are written. The Tibetan language is not only at the same high level as that of Sanskrit in terms of grammar, but is also the only one that has the capability of translating from Sanskrit without an iota of error. Therefore, Tibetan language has not only the richest and best-translated literatures, many scholars even contend that it has also the richest and largest number of literary compositions. The Constitution of the PRC, in Article 4, guarantees the freedom of all nationalities "to use and develop their own spoken and written languages ...".

In order for Tibetans to use and develop their own language, Tibetan must be respected as the main spoken and written language. Similarly, the principal language of the Tibetan autonomous areas needs to be Tibetan.

This principle is broadly recognised in the Constitution in Article 121, which states, "the organs of self-government of the national autonomous areas employ the spoken and written language or language in common use in the locality." Article 10 of the Law on Regional National Autonomy (LRNA) provides that these organs "shall guarantee the freedom of the nationalities in these areas to use and develop their own spoken and written languages...."

Consistent with the principle of recognition of Tibetan as the main language in Tibetan areas, the LRNA (Article 36) also allows the autonomous government authorities to decide on "the language used in instruction and enrollment procedures" with regard to education. This implies recognition of the principle that the principal medium of education be Tibetan.

2) Culture

The concept of national regional autonomy is primarily for the purpose of preservation of the culture of minority nationalities. Consequently, the constitution of PRC contains references to cultural preservation in Articles 22, 47 and 119 as also in Article 38 of the LRNA. To Tibetans, Tibetan culture is closely connected to our religion, tradition, language and identity, which are facing threats at various levels. Since Tibetans live within the multinational state of the PRC, this distinct Tibetan cultural heritage needs protection through appropriate constitutional provisions.

3) Religion

Religion is fundamental to Tibetans and Buddhism is closely linked to their identity. We recognise the importance of separation of church and state, but this should not affect the freedom and practice of believers. It is impossible for Tibetans to imagine personal or community freedom without the freedom of belief, conscience and religion. The Constitution recognises the importance of religion and protects the right to profess it. Article 36 guarantees all citizens the right to the freedom of religious belief. No one can compel another to believe in or not to believe in any religion. Discrimination on the basis of religion is forbidden.

An interpretation of the constitutional principle in light of international standard would also cover the freedom of the manner of belief or worship. The freedom covers the right of monasteries to be organised and run according to Buddhist monastic tradition, to engage in teachings and studies, and to enroll any number of monks and nuns or age group in accordance with these rules. The normal practice to hold public teachings and the empowerment of large gatherings is covered by this freedom and the state should not interfere in religious practices and traditions, such as the relationship between a teacher and his disciple, management of monastic institutions, and the recognition of reincarnations.

4) Education

The desire of Tibetans to develop and administer their own education system in cooperation and in coordination with the central government's ministry of education is supported by the principles contained in the Constitution with regard to education. So is the aspiration to engage in and contribute to the development of science and technology. We note the increasing recognition in international scientific development of the contribution which Buddhist psychology, metaphysics, cosmology and the understanding of the mind is making to modern science.

Whereas, under Article 19 of the Constitution the state takes on the overall responsibility to provide education for its citizens, Article 119 recognises the principle that "[T]he organs of self-government of the national autonomous areas independently administer educational .... affairs in their respective areas..." This principle is also reflected in Article 36 of the LRNA.

Since the degree of autonomy in decision-making is unclear, the point to be emphasised is that the Tibetan need to exercise genuine autonomy with regard to its own nationality's education and this is supported by the principles of the constitution on autonomy.

As for the aspiration to engage in and contribute to the development of scientific knowledge and technology, the Constitution (Article 119) and the LRNA (Article 39) clearly recognise the right of autonomous areas to develop scientific knowledge and technology.

5) Environment Protection

Tibet is the prime source of Asia's great rivers. It also has the earth's loftiest mountains as well as the world's most extensive and highest plateau, rich in mineral resources, ancient forests, and many deep valleys untouched by human disturbances.

This environmental protection practice was enhanced by the Tibetan people's traditional respect for all forms of life, which prohibits the harming of all sentient beings, whether human or animal. Tibet used to be an unspoiled wilderness sanctuary in a unique natural environment.

Today, Tibet's traditional environment is suffering irreparable damage. The effects of this are especially notable on the grasslands, the croplands, the forests, the water resources and the wildlife.

In view of this, according to Articles 45 and 66 of the LNRA, the Tibetan people should be given the right over the environment and allow them to follow their traditional conservation practices.

6) Utilisation of Natural Resources

With respect to the protection and management of the natural environment and the utilisation of natural resources the Constitution and the LRNA only acknowledge a limited role for the organs of self-government of the autonomous areas (see LRNA Articles 27, 28, 45, 66, and Article 118 of the Constitution, which pledges that the state "shall give due consideration to the interests of [the national autonomous areas]]". The LRNA recognises the importance for the autonomous areas to protect and develop forests and grasslands (Article 27) and to "give priority to the rational exploitation and utilization of the natural resources that the local authorities are entitled to develop", but only within the limits of state plans and legal stipulations. In fact, the central role of the State in these matters is reflected in the Constitution (Article 9).

The principles of autonomy enunciated in the Constitution cannot, in our view, truly lead to Tibetans becoming masters of their own destiny if they are not sufficiently involved in decision-making on utilisation of natural resources such as mineral resources, waters, forests, mountains, grasslands, etc.

The ownership of land is the foundation on which the development of natural resources, taxes and revenues of an economy are based. Therefore, it is essential that only the nationality of the autonomous region shall have the legal authority to transfer or lease land, except land owned by the state. In the same manner, the autonomous region must have the independent authority to formulate and implement developmental plans concurrent to the state plans.

7) Economic Development and Trade

Economic Development in Tibet is welcome and much needed. The Tibetan people remain one of the most economically backward regions within the PRC.

The Constitution recognises the principle that the autonomous authorities have an important role to play in the economic development of their areas in view of local characteristics and needs (Article 118 of the Constitution, also reflected in LRNA Article 25). The Constitution also recognises the principle of autonomy in the administration and management of finances (Article 117, and LRNA Article 32). At the same time, the Constitution also recognises the importance of providing State funding and assistance to the autonomous areas to accelerate development (Article 122, LRNA Article 22).

Similarly, Article 31 of the LRNA recognises the competence of autonomous areas, especially those such as Tibet, adjoining foreign countries, to conduct border trade as well as trade with foreign countries. The recognition of these principles is important to the Tibetan nationality given the region's proximity to foreign countries with which the people have cultural, religious, ethnic and economic affinities.

The assistance rendered by the Central Government and the provinces has temporary benefits, but in the long run if the Tibetan people are not self-reliant and become dependent on others it has greater harm. Therefore, an important objective of autonomy is to make the Tibetan people economically self-reliant.

8) Public health

The Constitution enunciates the responsibility of the State to provide health and medical services (Article 21). Article 119 recognises that this is an area of responsibility of the autonomous areas. The LRNA (Article 40) also recognises the right of organs of self-government of the autonomous areas to "make independent decisions on plans for developing local medical and health services and for advancing both modern and the traditional medicine of the nationalities."

The existing health system fails to adequately cover the needs of the rural Tibetan population. According to the principles of the above-mentioned laws, the regional autonomous organs need to have the competencies and resources to cover the health need of the entire Tibetan population. They also need the competencies to promote the traditional Tibetan medical and astro system strictly according to traditional practice.

9) Public Security

In matters of public security it is important that the majority of security personnel consists of members of the local nationality who understand and respect local customs and traditions.

What is lacking in Tibetan areas is absence of decision-making authority in the hands of local Tibetan officials.

An important aspect of autonomy and self-government is the responsibility for the internal public order and security of the autonomous areas. The Constitution (Article 120) and LRNA (Article 24) recognise the importance of local involvement and authorise autonomous areas to organise their security within "the military system of the State and practical needs and with the approval of the State Council."

10) Regulation on population migration

The fundamental objective of national regional autonomy and self-government is the preservation of the identity, culture, language and so forth of the minority nationality and to ensure that it is the master of its own affairs. When applied to a particular territory in which the minority nationality lives in a concentrated community or communities, the very principle and purpose of national regional autonomy is disregarded if large scale migration and settlement of the majority Han nationality and other nationalities is encouraged and allowed. Major demographic changes that result from such migration will have the effect of assimilating rather than integrating the Tibetan nationality into the Han nationality and gradually extinguishing the distinct culture and identity of the Tibetan nationality. Also, the influx of large numbers of Han and other nationalities into Tibetan areas will fundamentally change the conditions necessary for the exercise of regional autonomy since the constitutional criteria for the exercise of autonomy, namely that the minority nationality "live in compact communities" in a particular territory is changed and undermined by the population movements and transfers. If such migrations and settlements continue uncontrolled, Tibetans will no longer live in a compact community or communities and will consequently no longer be entitled, under the Constitution, to national regional autonomy. This would effectively violate the very principles of the Constitution in its approach to the nationalities issue.

There is precedent in the PRC for restriction on the movement or residence of citizens. There is only a very limited recognition of the right of autonomous areas to work out measures to control "the transient population" in those areas. To us it would be vital that the autonomous organs of self-government have the authority to regulate the residence, settlement and employment or economic activities of persons who wish to move to Tibetan areas from other parts of the PRC in order to ensure respect for and the realisation of the objectives of the principle of autonomy.

It is not our intention to expel the non-Tibetans who have permanently settled in Tibet and have lived there and grown up there for a considerable time. Our concern is the induced massive movement of primarily Han but also some other nationalities into many areas of Tibet, upsetting existing communities, marginalising the Tibetan population there and threatening the fragile natural environment.

11) Cultural, educational and religious exchanges with other countries

Besides the importance of exchanges and cooperation between the Tibetan nationality and other nationalities, provinces, and regions of the PRC in the subject matters of autonomy, such as culture, art, education, science, public health, sports, religion, environment, economy and so forth, the power of autonomous areas to conduct such exchanges with foreign countries in these areas is also recognised in the LRNA (Article 42).

V Application of a single administration for the Tibetan nationality in the PRC

In order for the Tibetan nationality to develop and flourish with its distinct identity, culture and spiritual tradition through the exercise of self-government on the above mentioned basic Tibetan needs, the entire community, comprising all the areas currently designated by the PRC as Tibetan autonomous areas, should be under one single administrative entity. The current administrative divisions, by which Tibetan communities are ruled and administered under different provinces and regions of the PRC, foments fragmentation, promotes unequal development, and weakens the ability of the Tibetan nationality to protect and promote its common cultural, spiritual and ethnic identity. Rather than respecting the integrity of the nationality, this policy promotes its fragmentation and disregards the spirit of autonomy. Whereas the other major minority nationalities such as the Uighurs and Mongols govern themselves almost entirely within their respective single autonomous regions, Tibetans remain as if they were several minority nationalities instead of one.

Bringing all the Tibetans currently living in designated Tibetan autonomous areas within a single autonomous administrative unit is entirely in accordance with the constitutional principle contained in Article 4, also reflected in the LRNA (Article 2), that "regional autonomy is practiced in areas where people of minority nationalities live in concentrated communities." The LRNA describes regional national autonomy as the "basic policy adopted by the Communist Party of China for the solution of the national question in China" and explains its meaning and intent in its Preface:

The minority nationalities, under unified state leadership, practice regional autonomy in areas where they live in concentrated communities and set up organs of self-government for the exercise of the power of autonomy. Regional national autonomy embodies the state's full respect for and guarantee of the right of the minority nationalities to administer their internal affairs and its adherence to the principle of equality, unity and common prosperity of all nationalities.

It is clear that the Tibetan nationality within the PRC will be able to exercise its right to govern itself and administer its internal affairs effectively only once it can do so through an organ of self-government that has jurisdiction over the Tibetan nationality as a whole.

The LRNA recognises the principle that boundaries of national autonomous areas may need to be modified. The need for the application of the fundamental principles of the Constitution on regional autonomy through respect of the integrity of the Tibetan nationality is not only totally legitimate, but the administrative changes that may be required to achieve this in no way violate constitutional principles. There are several precedents where this has been actually done.

VI The nature and structure of the autonomy

The extent to which the right to self-government and self-administration can be exercised on the preceding subject matters largely determines the genuine character of Tibetan autonomy. The task at hand is therefore to look into the manner in which autonomy can be regulated and exercised for it to effectively respond to the unique situation and basic needs of the Tibetan nationality.

The exercise of genuine autonomy would include the right of Tibetans to create their own regional government and government institutions and processes that are best suited to their needs and characteristics. It would require that the People's Congress of the autonomous region have the power to legislate on all matters within the competencies of the region (that is the subject matters referred to above) and that other organs of the autonomous government have the power to execute and administer decisions autonomously. Autonomy also entails representation and meaningful participation in national decision-making in the Central Government. Processes for effective consultation and close cooperation or joint decision-making between the Central Government and the regional government on areas of common interest also need to be in place for the autonomy to be effective.

A crucial element of genuine autonomy is the guarantee the Constitution or other laws provide that powers and responsibilities allocated to the autonomous region cannot be unilaterally abrogated or changed. This means that neither the Central Government nor the autonomous region's government should be able, without the consent of the other, to change the basic features of the autonomy.

The parameters and specifics of such genuine autonomy for Tibet that respond to the unique needs and conditions of the Tibetan people and region should be set out in some detail in regulations on the exercise of autonomy, as provided for in Article 116 of the Constitution (enacted in LRNA Article 19) or, if it is found to be more appropriate, in a separate set of laws or regulations adopted for that purpose. The Constitution, including Article 31, provides the flexibility to adopt special laws to respond to unique situations such as the Tibetan one, while respecting the established social, economic and political system of the country.

The Constitution in Section VI provides for organs of self-government of national autonomous regions and acknowledges their power to legislate. Thus Article 116 (enacted in Article 19 of the LRNA) refers to their power to enact "separate regulations in light of the political, economic and cultural characteristics of the nationality or nationalities in the areas concerned." Similarly, the Constitution recognises the power of autonomous administration in a number of areas (Article 117-120) as well as the power of autonomous governments to apply flexibility in implementing the laws and policies of the Central Government and higher state organs to suit the conditions of the autonomous area concerned (Article 115).

The above-mentioned legal provisions do contain significant limitations to the decision-making authority of the autonomous organs of government. But the Constitution nevertheless recognises the principle that organs of self-government make laws and policy decisions that address local needs and that these may be different from those adopted elsewhere, including by the Central Government.

Although the needs of the Tibetans are broadly consistent with the principles on autonomy contained in the Constitution, as we have shown, their realisation is impeded because of the existence of a number of problems, which makes the implementation of those principles today difficult or ineffective.

Implementation of genuine autonomy, for example, requires clear divisions of powers and responsibilities between the Central Government and the government of the autonomous region with respect to subject matter competency. Currently there is no such clarity and the scope of legislative powers of autonomous regions is both uncertain and severely restricted. Thus, whereas the Constitution intends to recognise the special need for autonomous regions to legislate on many matters that affect them, the requirements of Article 116 for prior approval at the highest level of the Central Government - by the Standing Committee of National People's Congress (NPC) - inhibit the implementation of this principle of autonomy. In reality, it is only autonomous regional congresses that expressly require such approval, while the congresses of ordinary (not autonomous) provinces of the PRC do not need prior permission and merely report the passage of regulations to the Standing Committee of the NPC "for the record" (Article 100).

The exercise of autonomy is further subject to a considerable number of laws and regulations, according to Article 115 of the Constitution. Certain laws effectively restrict the autonomy of the autonomous region, while others are not always consistent with one another. The result is that the exact scope of the autonomy is unclear and is not fixed, since it is unilaterally changed with the enactment of laws and regulations are higher levels of the state, and even by changes in policy. There is also no adequate process for consultation or for settling differences that arise between the organs of the Central Government and of the regional government with respect to the scope and exercise of autonomy. In practice, the resulting uncertainty limits the initiative of regional authorities and impedes the exercise of genuine autonomy by Tibetans today.

We do not at this stage wish to enter into details regarding these and other impediments to the exercise of genuine autonomy today by Tibetans, but mention them by way of example so that these may be addressed in the appropriate manner in our dialogue in the future. We will continue to study the Constitution and other relevant legal provisions and, when appropriate, will be pleased to provide further analysis of these issues, as we understand them.

VII The way forward

As stated at the beginning of this memorandum, our intention is to explore how the needs of the Tibetan nationality can be met within the framework of PRC since we believe these needs are consistent with the principles of the Constitution on autonomy. As His Holiness the Dalai Lama stated on a number of occasions, we have no hidden agenda. We have no intention at all of using any agreement on genuine autonomy as stepping stone for separation from the PRC.

The objective of the Tibetan Government in Exile is to represent the interests of the Tibetan people and to speak on their behalf. Therefore, it will no longer be needed and will be dissolved once an agreement is reached between us. In fact, His Holiness has reiterated his decision not to accept any political office in Tibet at any time in the future. His Holiness the Dalai Lama, nevertheless, plans to use all his personal influence to ensure such an agreement would have the legitimacy necessary to obtain the support of the Tibetan people.

Given these strong commitments, we propose that the next step in this process be the agreement to start serious discussions on the points raised in this memorandum. For this purpose we propose that we discuss and agree on a mutually agreeable mechanism or mechanisms and a timetable to do so effectively.