HH the Dalai Lama

''Chinese brothers and sisters, I assure you I have no desire to seek Tibet's separation. Nor do I have any wish to drive a wedge between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples. On the contrary my commitment has always been to find a genuine solution to the problem of Tibet that ensures the long-term interests of both Chinese and Tibetans'' ~ Dalai Lama
~
Embracing the Enemy

Address of His Holiness the Dalai Lama at Yale University (U.S.A.), October 9, 1991

Thank you very much for your warm welcome. Master (Dr.) Lytton, brothers and sisters of the Yale community, I am very honored to be here.

We live in truly extraordinary times. The world has changed dramatically in the last few years. The aspirations of people and nations for freedom and democracy, and the desire for self-determination, have resurfaced full of unexpected vigor and tenacity. The events in Eastern Europe and Mongolia, the fall of the Berlin Wall, and more recently, the changes in the Soviet Union after 70 years of communist control are all examples of this phenomenon.

I have just completed a most memorable visit to Mongolia, the Baltic States and Bulgaria. Seeing millions of human beings enjoying the freedom they were denied for so many decades filled me with much happiness. Their triumph is a compelling reminder that the human desire for freedom will ultimately prevail no matter the length nor the severity of any repression. And, most importantly, that the inevitable transition can be made without resorting to violence.

Recently announcements by both President George Bush and President Mikhail Gorbachev could eventually lead to a world without arms. I would like to congratulate them for their historic decision. Years ago, when I spoke of my dreams of a world without arms many people, including some friends, felt that it was too idealistic. However these new developments indicate the possible realization of this dream. It will nevertheless, be a difficult task and there will be numerous obstacles. All of us must continue to make our own contributions to this effort no matter how small they may be.

It is within this rapidly changing political climate that the struggle of the Tibetan people to regain our freedom after more than 40 years of oppression by the Chinese government must now be seen. Since China invaded Tibet in 1949-51, 1.2 million Tibetans, one-fifth of the population, have lost their lives. Through 42 long years, we have struggled to keep our cause alive and preserve our Buddhist culture of non-violence and compassion.

It would be easy to become angry at these events. To feel nothing but hatred for the Chinese authorities. Labeling them as our enemies, we could self-righteously condemn them for their brutality and dismiss them as unworthy of further thought or consideration. But that is not the Buddhist way. And, as recent events have so clearly demonstrated, that is not the way to achieve peace and harmony.

Our most valuable teachers are our enemies. Not only is this a fundamental Buddhist teaching, it is a demonstrated fact of life. While our friends can help us in many ways, only our enemies can provide us the challenge we need to develop tolerance, patience, and compassion. These three virtues are essential for building character, developing peace of mind, and bringing us true happiness.

In Christianity there is an inspiring teaching about turning the other cheek when struck by the enemy. This same ideal underlies Buddhist philosophy. Through a systematic practice, we can develop a tolerance so powerful, that when an enemy strikes, we feel actual appreciation for his action, for the opportunity for growth he has provided. We feel at ease, free from anger and hate, and clearly see the compulsions triggering his behavior. We can feel genuine compassion for the sad fate he brings upon himself as a result of his harmful conduct.

Through good times and bad times, we Tibetans try to keep our spiritual health and our good humor, remembering that all people, whether they harm us or help us, are ultimately our friends. I often tell the Tibetan people that as long as we remember these fundamental truths, we are truly invincible. Our determination will never die, and we will eventually be able to help our friends in China too.

I am a firm believer that relations between people and between nations must be based on human understanding. Only by candidly sharing ideas will we find solutions to the many challenges now facing the global community. In this context, I believe that the world should engage China whenever she is willing to take part in the international community in a constructive manner. But when she persists in violating fundamental norms of civilized behavior she should not be indulged like a spoiled child. China must be made accountable for her actions as a responsible member of the international community.

As you know, during my last visit to the United States I had the privilege of meeting President George Bush. His public statements, such as his speech here at Yale past spring, reflect his heartfelt commitment to encouraging democratic change in China which encompasses one quarter of humanity.

We Tibetan believe that the United States and others must send clear signals to the Chinese government that its repressive policies cannot be tolerated. Political and economic pressure are appropriate incentives for inducing necessary change. The same standards must be applied to China which the International community invoked in response to colonialism and human rights abuses in other parts of the world. The situations in Eastern Europe, the Baltic States, the Soviet Union and South Africa would not have changed when they did without international pressure including diplomatic and economic sanctions.

Some contend that China will revert to the isolation of the Maoist era if she is pressured by the international community to change her behavior. China's leaders have themselves threatened to do so to prevent international pressure. But experience has shown that China will not be able to take that path, even if some of her leaders want to. The Chinese people have already demonstrated their desire for democracy and freedom. They have seen it prevail in the foremost communist states. As the organizers of the failed coup in the Soviet Union learned, the spirit of freedom and democracy cannot be crushed once it has been released.

It has also been suggested that the Asian view of human rights is fundamentally different from that of the West and that Asians attach less value to human life. This is not at all correct. As Buddhists, we revere human life as the most precious gift. My view of human rights is no different than yours. Suffering and pain are the same for all human begins. Tibetans, and other Asians, feel them the same way that you Americans, Europeans, Africans, South Americans and others do. Distress over abuses in China and Tibet is as legitimate as international concern over human rights violations in the Soviet Union and South Africa. These matters are not the internal affairs of any country but fundamental concerns of human beings everywhere for the sufferings of their brothers and sisters.

China now stands alone as the last totalitarian, communist empire. But as the recent events in the Soviet Union have made clear, it cannot remain that way for long. Freedom and democracy will come to China. I believe that for the sake of world peace and stability, the international community must actively encourage China to make this transition as quickly, as smoothly, and as non-violently as possible. The peaceful revolutions in many parts of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union should serve as models. We should not allow a repeat of the situation in Yugoslavia, where the world community's failure to recognize early enough the seriousness of the problem contributed to the turmoil now consuming the region and causing vast suffering to its people.

In the absence of any international pressure, the Chinese government's response to developments such as those in the Soviet Union is likely to be more repression, in an attempt to hold on to its eroding power base. Recent reports from Tibet indicate this attitude. So when the inevitable change occurs, there will be more violence and greater human suffering. The world has a responsibility to prevent this from happening.

The changes in the Baltic States are particularly inspiring. Although it took a long time, in the end even the Soviet government, the former occupying power, accepted the inevitable consequences of the people's demands.

Just as the people of the Baltic States have been successful in regaining their freedom, I am confident that we Tibetans will soon regain ours. We have maintained a steadfast determination to achieve this goal during 42 years of occupation.

In the past, I made a number of proposals to the Chinese leaders which I hope would provide the impetus for resolving our difference and finding a comprehensive solution to the question of Tibet. I presented these proposals as a free spokesman of the six-million Tibetan people.

In 1987, I advanced a "Five Point Peace Plan" as an overture to the Chinese to begin negotiations. The following year, I elaborated on this plan during a speech at the European Parliament in Strasbourg suggesting a form of association between Tibet and China. But Chinese leaders rejected the proposal and refused to enter into negotiations. Moreover, many Tibetans, in exile and in Tibet, were strongly opposed to the proposals which they felt contained unnecessary concessions to the Chinese. It is, therefore, clear that the Strasbourg proposal can no longer serve any useful purpose and I have recently announced that we are no longer committed to its terms.

I have always stated that the central issue is that the Tibetan people must ultimately choose their own destiny. It is not for the Dalai Lama, and certainly not for the Chinese to make that decision. This principle was explicitly expressed by the late Prime Minister Nehru during an address to the Indian Parliament on December 7, 1950: "...since Tibet is not the same as China, it should ultimately be the wishes of the people of Tibet that should prevail..."

However, I do not want the situation to come to a standstill. Given the rapid pace of worldwide changes, I believe there are no new opportunities for resolving longstanding issues such as Tibet. I have thus asked the Tibetan Parliament-in-exile and others to come forward with fresh ideas for peacefully resolving the Tibetan issue. But above all, I must reiterate that six million Tibetans inside Tibet must have the final say on the future of our country.

The People's Republic of China claims that Tibetans are happy under Chinese rule, and that it is only a "handful of splittists" who think otherwise. As I have said before, the feelings of the Tibetan people can best be ascertained by plebiscite. But the official Chinese attitude concerns me deeply because Beijing refuses to accept the reality of the situation. So long as the Chinese do not understand the true feelings and aspirations of the Tibetan people, it will be very difficult to find a satisfactory solution to the problem.

The Chinese government's refusal to reciprocate my efforts to start negotiations has increased the impatience of many Tibetans, especially young Tibetans in Tibet, with the non-violent path we follow. Tension in my country is increasing as China encourages demographic aggression in Tibet, reducing Tibetans to a second class minority in our own country. The harsh repression and intimidation of Tibetans is increasingly polarizing the situation. I am extremely anxious that, in this explosive situation, violence may break out. I want to do what I can to help prevent this.

In the view of these developments, I am considering the possibility of a visit to Tibet as early as possible. I have in mind two purposes for such a visit.

First, I want to ascertain the situation in Tibet myself on the spot and communicate directly with my people. By doing so I also hope to help the Chinese leadership to understand the true feelings of Tibetans. It would be important, therefore, for senior Chinese leaders to accompany me on such a visit, and that outside observers, including the press be present to see and report their findings.

Second, I wish to advise and persuade my people not to abandon non-violence as the appropriate form of struggle. My ability to talk to my own people can be a key factor in bringing about a peaceful solution. My visit could be a new opportunity to promote understanding and create a basis for a negotiated solution.

A visit to Tibet can, of course, only take place if Tibetans are permitted to meet with me and to speak freely with me, without fear of retaliation. For my part, I must be free to travel whenever I want and to meet with any Tibetan I wish to meet. Many of my friends who will be keen to accompany me on such a trip should be free to do so without any hindrances. This courtesy must also be extended to the international media in a spirit of goodwill and openness.

In view of the urgency of finding a resolution to the decades old conflict between the Chinese and the Tibetans, I hope that China's leaders will now respond positively to this new initiative of mine. I trust they will make a commitment which can be withstand public scrutiny and satisfy all those involved in this search for change and peace in Tibet.

I call for these precautionary measures so that each step we take will be forward and neither party can conveniently retract from moving ahead. In the past, many promises and assurance were given to me by Chinese leaders, none of which were honored. In 1951, in Lhasa, 1954 in Beijing, and 1956 in India, I was given explicit assurance concerning Chinese behavior towards my people by Mao Tse-tung and Chou En Lai among others. Since then, Chinese authorities have repeatedly failed to implement many of their own declared policies to respect the Tibetan national, cultural and religious identity.

Many world leaders, parliamentarians, and individual friends have, in recent years, made efforts to persuade the Chinese government to respond positively to my overtures. I take this opportunity to express my sincere gratitude to them and seek their continued support for my efforts.

It is my hope that China's leaders will work with their own people, with their neighbors, with the United States and with the rest of the world to live in harmony and peace. Only then will this ancient country, now constituting a quarter of humanity, finally assume its rightful place in the global family. This is in keeping with the Buddhist vision of a world based on compassion; a world without enemies, a world of peace and true happiness.

Thank you.

~

Address to the U.S. Congressional Human Right's Caucus, 21st September  1987

The world is increasingly interdependent, so that lasting peace - national, regional and global - can only be achieved if we think in terms of broader interest rather than parochial needs.  At this time, it is crucial that all of us, the strong and the weak, contribute in our own way.  I speak to you today as the leader of the Tibetan people and as a Buddhist monk devoted to the principles of a religion based on love and compassion.  Above all, I am here as a human being who is destined to share this planet with you and all others as brothers and sisters.  As the world grows smaller, we need each other more than in the past.  This is true in all parts of the world, including the continent I come from.

At present in Asia, as elsewhere, tensions are high.  There are open conflicts in the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and in my own country, Tibet.  To a large extent, these problems are symptoms of the underlying tensions that exist among the area's great powers.  In order to resolve regional conflicts, an approach is required that takes into account the interests of all relevant countries and peoples, large and small.  Unless comprehensive solutions are formulated that take into account the aspirations of the people most directly concerned, piecemeal or merely expedient measures will only create new problems.

 The Tibetan people are eager to contribute to regional and world peace, and I believe they are in a unique position to do so.  Traditionally, Tibetans are a peace loving and non-violent people.  Since Buddhism was introduced to Tibet over one thousand years ago, Tibetans have practiced non-violence with respect to all forms of life.  This attitude has also been extended to our country's international relations.  Tibet's highly strategic position in the heart of Asia, separating the continent's great powers - India, China and the USSR - has throughout history endowed it with an essential role in the maintenance of peace and stability.  This is precisely why, in the past, Asia's empires went to great lengths to keep one another out of Tibet.  Tibet's value as an independent buffer state was integral to the region's stability.

....for the rest of the Five Point Peace Plan please visit: http://www.dalailama.com/messages/tibet/five-point-peace-plan

~

Address to the Members of the European Parliament
Strasbourg, France
15th June 1988

We are living today in a very interdependent world.  One nation's problem can no longer be solved by itself.  Without a sense of universal responsibility our very survival is in danger.  I have, therefore, always believed in the need for better understanding, closer co-operation, and greater respect among the various nations of the world.  The European Parliament is an inspiring example.  Out of the chaos of war, those who were once enemies have, in a single generation, learned to co-exist and to co-operate.  I am, therefore, particularly pleased and honoured to address this gathering at the European Parliament.

As you know, my own country - Tibet - is undergoing a very difficult period.  The Tibetans -particularly those who live under Chinese occupation - yearn for freedom and justice and a self-determined future, so that they are able to fully preserve their unique identity and live in peace with their neighbours.  For over a thousand years, we Tibetans have adhered to spiritual and environmental values in order to maintain the delicate balance of life across the high plateau on which we live, inspired by Buddha's message of non-violence and compassion and protected by our mountains, we sought to respect every form of life and to abandon war as an instrument of national policy.

Our history, dating back more than two thousand years, has been one of independence.  At no time, since the founding of our nation in 127 B.C., have we Tibetans conceded our sovereignty to a foreign power.  As with all nations, Tibet experienced periods in which our neighbours -Mongol, Manchu, Chinese, British and the Gorkhas of Nepal - sought to establish influence over us.  These eras have been brief and the Tibetan people have never accepted them as constituting a loss of national sovereignty.  In fact, there have been occasions when Tibetans rulers conquered vast areas of China and other neighbouring states.  This, however, does not mean that we Tibetans can lay claim to these territories.

In 1949 the People's Republic of China forcibly invaded Tibet.  Since that time, Tibet has endured the darkest period in its history.  More than a million of our people have died as a result of the occupation.  Thousand of monasteries were reduced to ruins.  A generation has grown up deprived of education, economic opportunities and a sense of its on national character.  Though the current Chinese leadership has implemented certain reforms it is also promoting a massive population transfer onto the Tibetan plateau.  This policy has already reduced the six million Tibetans to a minority.  Speaking for all Tibetans, I must sadly inform you, our tragedy continues.

I have always urged my people not to resort to violence in their efforts to redress their sufferings.  Yet I believe all people have a moral right to fully protest injustice.  Unfortunately, the demonstrations in Tibet have been violently suppressed by the Chinese police and military.  I will continue to counsel for non-violence, but unless China forsakes the brutal methods it employs, the Tibetans cannot be responsible for a further deterioration in the situation.

..for full text please go to: http://www.dalailama.com/messages/tibet/strasbourg-proposal-1988

~


Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama
on the 51st Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day

Today marks the 51st anniversary of the Tibetan people's peaceful uprising in 1959 against Communist China's repression in Tibet, as well as the second anniversary of the peaceful protests that erupted across Tibet in March 2008. On this occasion, I pay homage to those heroic Tibetan men and women, who sacrificed their lives for the cause of Tibet, and pray for an early end to the sufferings of those still oppressed in Tibet.

Despite the great hardships they have faced for many decades, Tibetans have been able to keep up their courage and determination, preserve their compassionate culture and maintain their unique identity. It is inspiring that today a new generation of Tibetans continues to keep Tibet's just cause alive. I salute the courage of those Tibetans still enduring fear and oppression.

Whatever circumstances we find ourselves in, it is the responsibility of all Tibetans to maintain equality, harmony and unity among the various nationalities, while continuing to protect our unique identity and culture. Many Tibetans in Tibetan areas are working in various responsible posts in the party, government and military, helping Tibetans in whatever way they can. We recognise the positive contribution that many of them have made up to now, and obviously when Tibet achieves meaningful autonomy in the future, they will have to continue to fulfil such responsibilities.

Let me reiterate that once the issue of Tibet is resolved, I will not take any political position nor will members of the Tibetan Administration in exile hold any positions in the government in Tibet. I have repeatedly made this clear in the past. To understand the situation of the Tibetans in exile and their aspirations, I invite Tibetan officials serving in various Tibetan autonomous areas to visit Tibetan communities living in the free world, either officially or in a private capacity, to observe the situation for themselves.

Wherever Tibetans in exile have settled, we have been able to preserve and promote our distinct cultural and spiritual traditions, while generating awareness of the Tibetan cause. Unlike other refugees, we have been relatively successful because we have also been able to give our children a sound modern education, while bringing them up according to our traditional values. And because the heads of all four major schools of Tibetan Buddhism and the Bon religion are in exile we have been able to re-establish various institutions for religious training and practice. In these institutions over ten thousand monks and nuns are free to pursue their vocations. We have been readily able to provide educational opportunities for those monks, nuns and students who have continued to come from Tibet. At the same time the unprecedented spread of Tibetan Buddhism in both East and West and the prospect of continuing to flourish in the future gives us hope that it may yet survive. This is some solace to us during this most critical period in Tibet's history.

Today, the Chinese authorities are conducting various political campaigns, including a campaign of patriotic re-education, in many monasteries in Tibet. They are putting the monks and nuns in prison-like conditions, depriving them the opportunity to study and practise in peace. These conditions make the monasteries function more like museums and are intended to deliberately annihilate Buddhism.

Tibetan culture based on Buddhist values of compassion and non-violence benefits not only Tibetans, but also people in the world at large, including the Chinese. Therefore, we Tibetans should not place our hopes in material progress alone, which is why it is essential that all Tibetans, both inside and outside Tibet, should broaden their modern education hand in hand with our traditional values. Above all, as many young Tibetans as possible should strive to become experts and skilled professionals.

It is important that Tibetans maintain friendly relations not only with people of all nationalities, but also amongst themselves. Tibetans should not engage in petty disputes with each other.  I earnestly appeal to them instead to resolve any differences with patience and understanding.   

Whether the Chinese Government acknowledges it or not, there is a serious problem in Tibet. As the world knows, this is evidenced by the fact that there is a huge military presence and restriction on travel in Tibet. It is good for neither party. We have to take every opportunity to solve it. For more than 30 years, I have tried my best to enter into talks with the People's Republic of China to resolve the issue of Tibet through the Middle-Way Approach that is of benefit to us both. Although I have clearly articulated Tibetan aspirations, which are in accordance with the constitution of the People's Republic of China and the laws on national regional autonomy, we have not obtained any concrete result. Judging by the attitude of the present Chinese leadership, there is little hope that a result will be achieved soon. Nevertheless, our stand to continue with the dialogue remains unchanged.

It is a matter of pride and satisfaction that our mutually beneficial Middle-Way Approach and the justice of the Tibetan struggle have gained growing understanding and support year by year from many political and spiritual leaders, including the President of the United States of America, reputed non-governmental organisations, the international community, and in particular from Chinese intellectuals. It is evident that the Tibetan issue is not a dispute between the Chinese and Tibetan peoples, but has come about because of the ultra-leftist policies of the Chinese Communist authorities.

Since the demonstrations in Tibet in 2008, Chinese intellectuals inside and outside China have written more than 800 unbiased articles on the Tibetan issue. During my visits abroad, wherever I go, when I meet Chinese in general, particularly the intellectuals and students, they offer their genuine sympathy and support. Since the Sino-Tibetan problem ultimately has to be resolved by the two peoples themselves, I try to reach out to the Chinese people whenever I can to create a mutual understanding between us. Therefore, it is important for Tibetans everywhere to build closer relations with the Chinese people and try to make them aware of the truth of the Tibetan cause and the present situation in Tibet.

Let us also remember the people of East Turkestan who have experienced great difficulties and increased oppression and the Chinese intellectuals campaigning for greater freedom who have received severe sentences. I would like to express my solidarity and stand firmly with them.

It is also essential that the 1.3 billion Chinese people have free access to information about their own country and elsewhere, as well as freedom of expression and the rule of law. If there were greater transparency inside China, there would be greater trust, which would be the proper basis for promoting harmony, stability and progress. This is why everyone concerned must exert their efforts in this direction.

As a free spokesperson of the Tibetan people I have repeatedly spelled out their fundamental aspirations to the leaders of the People's Republic of China.  Their lack of a positive response is disappointing. Although the present authorities may cling to their hard-line stand, judging by the political changes taking place on the international stage as well as changes in the perspective of the Chinese people, there will be a time when truth will prevail. Therefore, it is important that everyone be patient and not give up.

 We acknowledge the Central Government's new decision taken at the Fifth Tibet Work Forum to implement their policies uniformly in all Tibetan areas to ensure future progress and development, which Premier Wen Jiabao also reiterated at the recent annual session of the National People's Congress. This accords with our repeatedly expressed wish for a single administration for all those Tibetan areas. Similarly, we appreciate the development work that has taken place in Tibetan areas, particularly in the nomadic and farming regions. However, we must be vigilant that such progress does not damage our precious culture and language and the natural environment of the Tibetan plateau, which is linked to the well-being of the whole of Asia.

On this occasion, I wish to take the opportunity to offer my sincere thanks to the leaders of various nations, their intellectuals, the general public, Tibet Support Groups and others who cherish truth and justice for continuing to support the Tibetan cause despite the Chinese government's pressure and harassment. Above all I wish to pay my heartfelt gratitude to the Government of India, the various State Governments, and the people of India for their continued generous support.

Finally, I offer prayers for the happiness and well-being of all sentient beings.

The Dalai Lama

March 10, 2010