Statement by Kelsang Gyaltsen, Envoy of His Holiness the Dalai Lama
Conference on Autonomy, European Parliament, Brussels
November 29, 2011

First of all let me express my deep appreciation and gratitude to the Tibet Intergroup of the European Parliament for organizing this timely conference on Tibet.  This conference sends an inspiring and strong message of deep concern and solidarity to the Tibetan people inside Tibet who are presently living in a state of constant fear and terror.

Presently, Tibet has become a large prison – sealed off from the rest of the world, where Chinese security and military authorities exercise free reign with impunity. A little over 20 years ago people here in Europe were still experiencing living under repressive and totalitarian regimes. Those of you who are from what we called 'Eastern Europe' may still have vivid memories of life under Communist rule. You will know from your own experience the immense importance of sending the message to the oppressed people that the outside world has not forgotten them, that it cares about their plight and that it stands with them in their struggle for freedom, justice and human dignity.  Those of you will also know and understand how important and crucial these expressions of concern, solidarity and support have been in sustaining the spirit and hope of the oppressed.

Today by holding this conference the European Parliament is once again sending the message to the Tibetan people that people in Europe care about their suffering and tragic fate and that you stand with them in their enduring hardship and struggle for freedom and justice. This is a great source of encouragement and inspiration for the people of Tibet. I thank you very much for this gesture of deep concern, support and solidarity.

My task at this conference is to update you on the present state of the Sino-Tibetan dialogue and its prospects.

Let me begin by briefly outlining the guiding spirit and principle of the Tibetan leadership on which the Tibetan approach in the Sino-Tibetan dialogue is based on.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama has always believed that most human conflicts can be solved through genuine dialogue conducted with a spirit of openness and reconciliation. He has therefore consistently sought a resolution of the issue of Tibet through non-violence and dialogue. With this spirit in 1988 in Strasbourg at this Parliament His Holiness the Dalai Lama presented a formal proposal for negotiations. The choice of the European Parliament as the venue to present his thoughts was on purpose in order to underline the point that a genuine union can only come about voluntarily when there are mutual respect and satisfactory benefits to all the parties concerned. His Holiness the Dalai Lama sees the European Union as a clear and inspiring example of this.

With this proposal, His Holiness the Dalai Lama demonstrated his willingness not to seek the independence in resolving the issue of Tibet. The guiding spirit of the Strasbourg Proposal is the pursuit of a mutually acceptable solution through negotiations in the spirit of reconciliation and compromise. This spirit has come to be known as the “Middle Way Approach” of His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan leadership took the courageous decision to seek genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people within the framework of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The Constitution contains fundamental principles on autonomy and self-government whose objectives are compatible with the needs and aspirations of the Tibetans. On this basis the Tibetan leadership is confident of the ability to ensure the basic needs of the Tibetan people in safeguarding their distinct culture, language, religion and identity and the delicate natural environment of the Tibetan plateau.

In 2002, when direct contact with the Chinese leadership was re-established, the Tibetan leadership in exile had already formulated a clear policy on our approach in the dialogue process. The Tibetan side had a single agenda: To seek genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people under a single self-governing organ within the framework of the Constitution of the PRC.

I have the honour to serve as one of the envoys of His Holiness the Dalai Lama entrusted with the task of conducting the talks. We engaged in nine formal rounds of discussion and one informal meeting with our Chinese counterparts since 2002.

Realizing fully the complex and difficult challenges ahead in the dialogue process, the Tibetan leadership’s instructions to the Tibetan delegation have been as follows:

To create the necessary conducive atmosphere and conditions for maintaining and deepening the contact;

To use every opportunity to dispel misunderstanding and misconceptions about the position and views of the exiled Tibetan leadership;

To reiterate and explain the fact that His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan leadership in exile are not seeking separation and independence of Tibet;

To state clearly our demand for genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people within the framework of the PRC;

To propose confidence building measures in areas of mutual interests;

To stabilize the dialogue process by increasing the number of the meetings with an agreed upon agenda and timeframe.

In accordance with these directives, right from the first round of discussions in 2002, we proposed that both sides initiate measures that help building trust and confidence in our relationship. On our part we initiated immediately a number of confidence-building measures. We also requested the Chinese leadership to make a good-will gesture by stopping the denunciation and lifting the ban on the possessions of the photographs of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. We also proposed to expand our contact by allowing visits between Tibetans living in exile and in Tibet and to arrange exchange visits by scholars and experts to academic, cultural and religious institutions in the PRC and as well to institutes of the Tibetan refugee community. When it became obvious that there were major differences on a number of issues between the two parties, including some fundamental ones, we proposed to first concentrate on issues where both sides have common interest in cooperating and to increase the number of meetings to two or three times per year. Moreover, right at the beginning of our contact we had written to President Jiang Zemin, explaining, that our mission was to bring about a face-to-face meeting between His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Chinese leadership. Such a summit has the potential to achieve a breakthrough in opening a new chapter in the relationship between the Tibetan and the Chinese peoples. Consequently, in all the rounds of discussion we raised it again and again.
To our deep disappointment, none of our suggestions and proposals were taken up or accepted by the Chinese side. Nor has the Chinese side reciprocated any of our confidence-building initiatives or presented their own suggestions or proposals for a way forward. Since the start of this dialogue in 2002, the Chinese side has been adopting a position of no recognition, no reciprocity, no commitment, no concession and no compromise. This lack of political will on the part of the Chinese leadership was clearly demonstrated at the 8th round of discussions that took place in November 2008.

In July 2008 during the seventh round the Chinese side explicitly invited us to present our views on the degree or form of autonomy we are seeking. Accordingly, on October 31, 2008, we presented our Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People to the Chinese leadership. Our memorandum puts forth in detail how the specific needs of the Tibetan people for self-government can be met through the application of the principles on autonomy contained in the Constitution of the PRC.

Unfortunately, the Chinese side rejected categorically our memorandum in its entirety labeling it a demand for “semi-independence” and “disguised independence”.  They even went as far as to state that “even the title of your memorandum is unacceptable. How many times do we need to say that the Dalai Lama has no right to speak about the situation in Tibet or in the name of the Tibetan people?”

The last round of meeting was held in January 2010 in Beijing.  Since then we have repeatedly urged our Chinese counterparts to meet as soon as possible.  As recently as about two weeks ago in view of the tragic cases of self-immolations and the overall deteriorating situation in Tibet we urged our counterparts in Beijing to meet as soon as possible in order to explore ways and means to diffuse and calm down the situation in Tibet. We are, however, still waiting for a positive reply from Beijing.

Despite the recent historic changes in the political leadership of the Tibetan people, our new democratically elected political leader, Kalon Tripa Dr. Lobsang Sangay, has made clear that the central task of the Tibetan movement, to restore basic freedoms and dignity of the Tibetan people, remains unchanged. In a statement on October 12, 2011, he outlined his position on the Sino-Tibetan dialogue as follow: “... I have consistently stated that one of my foremost priorities as the Kalon Tripa is to make every possible effort to find a peaceful and negotiated resolution to the issue of Tibet. Even during my election campaign I made clear my commitment to His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s Middle-Way Approach and to the ongoing dialogue process re-started in 2002. In recent times I have stated on a number of occasions our deep concern over the situation in Tibet. The incidents are a clear indication of the genuine grievances of the Tibetans and their sense of deep resentment and despair over the prevailing conditions in Tibet. It is therefore of the utmost urgency that every possible effort be made to address the underlying root causes of Tibetan grievances and resentment. Consequently, I wish to reiterate my firm commitment in finding a mutually acceptable solution in the spirit of the Middle-Way Approach. I have therefore asked the two envoys of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to make efforts to resume the dialogue at the earliest convenience.”

The Sino-Tibetan dialogue since 2002 demonstrates clearly that we Tibetans do not have as of yet a sincere and willing partner for an honest dialogue. We cannot move forward when only one of us is fully committed and fully engaged. It is in this context that this conference is so important.

We Tibetans need your help. First and foremost in opening up Tibet to the rest of the world so that the Chinese authorities and security forces no longer have a free hand in Tibet. International presence will a have a restraining influence on the authorities and the security forces and will thus provide some form of protection to the captive Tibetans inside Tibet.

Ultimately, we Tibetans need on the other side of the negotiating table a partner who is willing to engage in an honest dialogue with the aim of finding a fair, just and mutually acceptable solution. In today’s heavily interdependent world it is not in the hands of the Chinese leaders alone whether the Tibetan people will be able to enjoy a life in freedom and dignity in future or be compelled to live under continued brutal repression. The policies of the European Union towards the cause of Tibet and China have just as much a bearing on the outcome of this tragedy. The Chinese leadership must be made to realize that the issue of Tibet cannot be suppressed and silenced unless it is properly addressed and resolved. What is needed is a strong and unified message by members of the international community with regard to the issue of Tibet. World opinion is of great importance and of great concern for the Chinese leadership. It is in this context that I wish to express once again our deep appreciation to the European Parliament for consistently taking the lead in promoting a peaceful resolution of the issue of Tibet.

2 February, 2010

International Campaign for Tibet

9th round of Sino-Tibetan dialogue identifies elements to build upon

The International Campaign for Tibet welcomes the strong and detailed statement issued today by Lodi Gyaltsen Gyari, the Special Envoy of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and chief interlocutor with Chinese officials during nine rounds of dialogue since 2002. Lodi Gyari and envoy Kelsang Gyaltsen briefed the Dalai Lama in Dharamsala, India this morning before issuing the statement which concluded that “we do not see any reason why we cannot find common ground on these issues.” The statement included a proposal for “a common effort to study the actual reality on the ground, in the spirit of seeking truth from facts [to] help both the sides to move beyond each others’ contentions” and an appeal to Beijing to stop mislabeling the Dalai Lama as a “separatist.”

Special Envoy of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, Kasur Lodi Gyari, with Envoy Kelsang Gyaltsen during their meeting with Vice Chairman of Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference Du Qinglin during their meeting on 30 January 2010 afternoon. (Photo credit DIIR/CTA)

 “Those long troubled by the situation in Tibet, both inside and outside of government, have been looking for ways to work constructively with the Chinese and Tibetans to secure an end to repression, genuine stability and a better way forward in Tibet. According to the Tibetan statement, this 9th round has produced some elements to build on,” said Mary Beth Markey, Vice President for International Advocacy at the International Campaign for Tibet. “The reference to common ground is an encouraging result from this round of dialogue, and both sides have identified stability as a goal, although they diverge on the means to achieve it. This is an opportunity for world leaders to be constructive and help the parties identify a common goal for the talks as a path to achieving the resolution of differences that the international community supports and seeks.” 

In line with the Chinese government’s strident approach, Zhu Weiqun, Executive Vice Chairman of the United Front Work Department of the Communist Party and one of the envoys’ counterparts in the dialogue, told press today in Beijing that there was no possibility of the “slightest compromise” on the issue of sovereignty in Tibet and said that the two sides were still “sharply divided.” Zhu also warned that if US President Obama “chooses to meet with the Dalai Lama at this time, it will certainly threaten trust and co-operation between China and the United States.” (http://support.savetibet.org/site/R?i=xPATUQca5om-w6xUOoXcFw..) The White House has confirmed that President Obama will meet the Dalai Lama, although it has not yet announced a date.

The Chinese government has lately come to describe Tibet as a “core issue” of national sovereignty,  and it has responded to the Dalai Lama’s proposal for genuine autonomy for Tibetans within the People’s Republic of China as “disguised independence.” But the Dalai Lama’s proposition would not challenge Chinese sovereignty or claim as “Tibetan” or “autonomous” any territory beyond that which the government has already designated as “Tibetan autonomous” (the Tibet Autonomous Region and parts of Sichuan, Qinghai, Gansu and Yunnan provinces, roughly equivalent to the geography of the Tibetan plateau). Special Envoy Kasur Lodi Gyari (c) and Envoy Kelsang Gyaltsen (R), addresses to the media in Dharamsala today on the latest round of discussions on Tibet with the representatives of the Chinese government. Secretary for Information Thubten Samphel (L) read out the statement by the special envoy of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. (Photo credit DIIR/CTA)

In today’s statement, Lodi Gyari said that the talks included a briefing on the Fifth Tibet Work Forum, a top-level strategy meeting that concluded in Beijing in the week before the envoys arrived in China. The envoys in turn welcomed indications from the proceedings that the authorities were seeking to improve the lives of Tibetans, particularly those in rural areas, and that the meeting covered the issue of development in all Tibetan areas of the People’s Republic of China, including those Tibetan areas outside the Tibet Autonomous Region. The envoys said: “If we take away the political slogans, many of the issues that have been prioritized by the Forum are similar to the basic needs of the Tibetan people outlined in our Memorandum [on Genuine Autonomy].”

“China continues to demonstrate by meeting with the Dalai Lama’s envoys and their menacing remarks aimed at Washington that the Tibet issue ranks very high in Chinese diplomacy. A failed strategy in Tibet is a problem for China, and they know it. The bottom line is that the Tibetans are the key stakeholders and that means that the direct involvement of the Dalai Lama, whose legitimacy among the Tibetan people is indisputable, is essential for a peaceful and stable solution," Markey concluded.

4 November, 2011

International Campaign for Tibet

Capitol Hill focuses lens on Tibet: Kalon Tripa Lobsang Sangay, Kirti Rinpoche & ICT’s Bhuchung Tsering testify before Congress

Kalon Tripa Dr. Lobsang Sangay with Senators Tom Udall, Joe Lieberman, John Barrasso and John McCain.

• Tibetan prime minister (Kalon Tripa) Lobsang Sangay asks the United States to help resettle Tibetan refugees
• Kirti Rinpoche testifies to the tragic self-immolations at Kirti Monastery
• Bhuchung Tsering urges Congress to update the Tibetan Policy Act to recognize Tibetan democratic governance

As news broke that a 12th Tibetan had self immolated in protest against Chinese policies, Tibet was the focus of two hearings in the U.S. House, highlighted by the first appearance before Congress by Lobsang Sangay as the Tibetan prime minister (Kalon Tripa).

Copies of the three testimonies, and a video of the hearing with Bhuchung K. Tsering, can be found at:
Policy Center: Congressional Statements & Testimonies.

Kalon Tripa Sangay testified to the Central Tibetan Administration’s response to the recent trend of self-immolations in eastern Tibet. He asked the U.S. government to call on China to suspend “counterproductive policies and aggressive ‘patriotic education’ programs,” demand access to the areas that have seen self-immolations by journalists, diplomats and UN officials, and resume its dialogue with the representatives of the Dalai Lama. He spoke to a Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission hearing specifically on the Tibet issue.
Kirti Rinpoche, the spiritual leader of the monastery where most of the self-immolations have occurred, came to Washington specifically to report to Congress on Chinese restrictions on religious practice that provide the context for the self-immolations. He testified to the Lantos Commission that in March 2008, "Kirti Monastery was surrounded by the Chinese forces and was cut off from the outside world, turning it into a virtual prison." He said "[t]he Tibetan youth are setting themselves on fire is proof of the sufferings of the Tibetan people," and asked the United States to “to pressure China to allow independent international delegates and the media to visit Ngaba and other Tibetan areas."

Dr. Sangay briefed Congress on the achievements of democratic government in the Tibetan exile community following the Dalai Lama’s decision to relinquish his political role. He spoke to the priorities of his administration to revitalize Tibetan settlements, including its focus on improving education. To support the Dalai Lama’s vision of a vibrant diaspora to sustain the Tibetan cause, Dr. Sangay asked Congress to pass the Tibetan immigration bill (H.R. 699) and to urge the Administration to resettle Tibetan refugees in South Asia.

Bhucheng K. Tsering, Vice President for Special Programs at the International Campaign for Tibet, offered recommendations for U.S. policy when he testified before the House Committee of Foreign Affairs in its review of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China's (CECC) 2011 Annual Report. Mr. Tsering called on Congress to:

• Update and strengthen the Tibetan Policy Act of 2002 to take into account new developments in Tibetan politics, including the democratization in the Central Tibetan Administration and the Dalai Lama’s statement on his successor;
• Promote the Tibetan-Chinese dialogue; and
• Consider restrictions on Chinese delegations from or about Tibet while the Chinese authorities are limiting access to Tibet.

Kalon Tripa Lobsang Sangay stated that the “late Tom Lantos has a special place in the hearts of the Tibetan people.” He recalled Representative Lantos’ effort in 1987 to give His Holiness the Dalai Lama his first audience before a parliamentary body, the Congressional Human Rights Caucus, the Lantos Commission’s predecessor. Its Co-Chairmen Reps. James McGovern (D-MA) and Frank Wolf (R-VA), and member Rep. Joe Pitts (R-PA) expressed support for the Tibetan cause and offered assistance with Dr. Sangay’s recommendations.

The U.S. Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues, Under Secretary of State Maria Otero, submitted written testimony to the Foreign Affairs Committee regarding the CECC report. She urged the Chinese government “to address its counterproductive policies in Tibetan areas that have created tensions and that threaten the unique religious, cultural and linguistic identity of the Tibetan people”, “allow access to Tibetan areas for journalists, diplomats and other observers,” and “resume substantive dialogue with the Dalai Lama or his representatives.”

Kalon Tripa’s Congressional testimony comes during a week he has spent in Washington meeting with Members of Congress, including Senators John McCain, Joe Lieberman, Dianne Feinstein, Patrick Leahy and Marco Rubio, House Democratic Leader Nancy Pelosi, and numerous other Representatives, journalists and policy experts.